New PDF release: Analogy, Levelling, Markedness: Principles of Change in

By Aditi Lahiri

Starting from tonogensis, rigidity shift, and volume adjustment of paradigmatic levelling, allomorphy, and grammaticalization, this assortment covers a large speectrum of advancements, basically in Germanice, Romance, and Indo-Aryan.

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Additional info for Analogy, Levelling, Markedness: Principles of Change in Phonology and Morphology

Example text

The conjoined constraint, which says that both the primitive constraints may not be violated at the same time, is visible because it is ranked higher than either of the primitive constraints that it is composed of (Prince and Smolensky 1993). The former of these constraints properly says that a vocalic melody must be affiliated with a mora, and comes from a theory of the syllable that I hope to present elsewhere. It is part of a hierarchy of constraints which, in conjunction with other constraints, generates a typology of syllable structure: (26) 1.

In fact, the morphological changes we are considering, including not only the remodeling of the genitive singular of heavy neuter y'fl-stems (*riikiis > riikjis) and of the nominative singular of light masculine ya-stems (*haris > harjis), but also of vvfl-stems (*triggus > triggws, *lasjus > lasiws, *worstu > worstw}, of the past tense of strong verbs (*walu > walw), and of the 2 so imperative of weak verbs in -jan (*nasi > nasii, *sooki > sookii), are so many generalizations of STEM-FORM, albeit with local variations due to other morphological factors.

This constraint is dominated by ONSET but in turn dominates FOOT-FORM below. (b) *COMPLEX-J: a consonant clusters may not contain the glide j. Unviolated. This constraint is obtained by conjoining the two primitive constraints *j and * COMPLEX. The conjoined constraint, which says that both the primitive constraints may not be violated at the same time, is visible because it is ranked higher than either of the primitive constraints that it is composed of (Prince and Smolensky 1993). The former of these constraints properly says that a vocalic melody must be affiliated with a mora, and comes from a theory of the syllable that I hope to present elsewhere.

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